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The Omagh bombing is a car bomb that occurred on August 15, 1998 in Omagh, County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. It was carried out by a group calling themselves the Real Irish Republican Army, a splinter group of the Republic of Ireland Republic (IRA) who opposed the IRA ceasefire and the Good Friday Agreement. The bombing killed 29 people (including a twin pregnant woman) and injured about 220 others, a death toll even higher than a single incident during what was considered a 'Problem' (1968-10 April 1998). Phone warnings have been sent about 40 minutes before, but claimed to be inaccurate and police accidentally moved people towards the bomb.

The bombings caused anger both locally and internationally, spurring the Northern Ireland peace process, and blowing heavily on republican campaigns that disagreed. The real IRA denied that the bomb was intended to kill civilians and to apologize; Soon after, the group announced a ceasefire. The victims included people from various backgrounds: Protestant, Catholic, Mormon teenagers, five other teenagers, six children, a pregnant mother with twins, two Spanish tourists, and another on a day trip from the Republic of Ireland. Both Irish trade unions and nationalists were killed and wounded.

It has been alleged that the British, Irish and US intelligence agencies have information that can prevent bombings, many of which come from multiple agents inside the Real IRA. This information is not given to the local police, Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). In 2008 it was revealed that the British intelligence agency GCHQ was monitoring conversations among the bombers when the bomb was pushed into Omagh.

A 2001 report by the Ombudsman Police said that the RUC Special Branch failed to act on previous warnings and criticized the RUC investigation for the bombing. RUC has obtained direct and unintentional evidence against several suspects, but the RUC has not found anything to punish anyone from the bombing. Colm Murphy was tried, convicted, and later released after it was revealed that Gardaa forging records were used in this case. Murphy's nephew, Sean Hoey, was also tried and found innocent. In June 2009, the victim's family won a civil action of GBÃ, Â £ 1,6 million against four defendants. In April 2014, Seamus Daly was indicted for killing those killed; However, the case against him was withdrawn in February 2016.


Video Omagh bombing



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The negotiations to end the Problems had failed in 1996 and there was a return to political violence. The peace process then continued, and reached a new point of tension in 1998, especially after the death of three Catholic children in the Orange Orde violence in mid-July. Sinn FÃÆ' Â © at has accepted the Mitchell Principle, which involved a commitment to nonviolence, in September 1997 as part of the peace negotiation process. Another member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), who saw this as a betrayal of the united Republic's republicial struggle for Ireland, was allowed to form the Army of the Republic of Ireland Real (RIRA) in October 1997.

RIRA began its paramilitary campaign with attempted car bombing in Banbridge, County Down on January 7, 1998, involving a 300-pound (140 kg) explosive device tamed by security forces. Later that year, the attack was installed in Moira, Portadown, Belleek, Newtownhamilton and Newry, as well as the bombing of Banbridge again on August 1, causing 35 injuries but no deaths. The attacks in Omagh occurred 13 weeks after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, which was intended to be a comprehensive solution to the Problem and gained broad support both in Ireland and internationally.

The bomb had exploded at Omagh twice before. On May 17, 1973, four soldiers of unemployed British soldiers were killed by IRA boob bombs while on the way to the car outside Knock-na-Moe Castle Hotel, Omagh. One died of his wounds on June 3, 1973. On June 25, 1973, three IRA Temporary volunteers were killed in a premature bomb blast while traveling by car on Gortin Road, near Omagh.

Maps Omagh bombing



Attack

Preparation and warnings

On August 13, a Vauxhall Cavalier was stolen from outside a block of flats in Carrickmacross, County Monaghan, Republic of Ireland. At that time, Bore County received registration number 91 DL 2554. The perpetrators replaced the Irish Republic plate with the fake Northern Ireland plate (MDZ 5211) and the car was loaded with 230 kilograms (510 pounds) of fertilizer-based explosives..

On the day of the bombing, they drove across the Irish border and around 14:19 parked outside S.D. The Kells outfit shop on Omagh's Lower Market Street, on the south side of the city center, near the crossroads with Dublin Road. They could not find a parking spot near the intended target, Omagh courthouse. The car came from the east. The two men were then armed with bombs and as they got out of the car, walked east on Market Street to Campsie Road. Two Spanish tourists stopped by the car, and were photographed. The photographer died in the bombing, but the man and child in the photo survived.

Three phone calls were made warning of a bomb in Omagh, using the same code word that had been used in a Real IRA bomb attack on Banbridge two weeks earlier. At 14:32, a warning was sent to Ulster Television by saying, "There are bombs, courthouse, Omagh, main street, 500 lb, 30 min explosion." One minute later, the office received a second warning saying, "Martha Pope (which is the RIRA code word), bomb, Omagh city, 15 minutes". The caller claimed a warning on behalf of "ÃÆ'" glaigh na hÃÆ' â € ° ireann. "The next minute, Coleraine's office in Samaria received a call stating that the bomb would explode on the" main road "about 200 yards (180 m) from the courthouse. information to Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

BBC News stated that the police "cleared the area near the local court building, 40 minutes after receiving a phone warning, when the bomb was detonated, but the warning was unclear and the wrong area was evacuated". The warning mentions "the main road" when there is no way with that name in Omagh, although Market Street is the main shopping street in town. The nature of the warning made the police place security at the intersections of High Street and Market Street in Scarffes Entry. They then begin to evacuate the building and move the people down the hill from the top of High Street and the area around the courthouse to the bottom of Market Street where the bomb was placed. The courthouse is approximately 400 meters (1,300 feet) from where the car bomb was parked.

Explosion

The car bomb was detonated at around 15:10 BST in a crowded shopping area, resulting in the death of 21 people on the scene, who were around the vehicle. Eight more will die on the way to or at the hospital. People who died included pregnant women, six children, and six teenagers. Those killed include James Barker (12), Seà ± n McLaughlin (12) and Oran Doherty (8), from Donegal County, Fernando Blasco Baselga (12) and RocÃÆ'o Abad Ramos (23) from Spain, Geraldine Breslin (43) Gareth Conway (18), Breda Devine (1), Aidan Gallagher (21), Mary Grimes (65), Brenda Logue (17), Brian McCrory (54), SeÃÆ'¡n McGrath (61), Jolene Marlow (17) Avril Monaghan (30, pregnant with twin siblings), Maura Monaghan (1), Elizabeth Rush (57), Philomena Skelton (39), all Catholics; Deborah-Anne Cartwright (20), Esther Gibson (36), Olive Hawkes (60), Julia Hughes (21), Ann McCombe (48), Samantha McFarland (17), Alan Radford (16), Veda Short (56) Fred White (60), Bryan White (26), and Lorraine Wilson (15), all Protestants, were killed. SeÃÆ'¡n McGrath was the last victim to die, remaining in critical condition at the hospital three weeks before he died of his injuries on September 5, 1998.

The wounded survivor Marion Radford describes hearing "an unnatural explosion", followed by "an exclamation, a darkness just coming from that place", then a scream when he sees "flakes of body, limbs or something" on the ground as he seeks for his son who is 16, Alan. He later discovers he has been killed just a few yards away, both of which have been separated a few minutes before the explosion.

In a statement on the same day of the bombing, RUC Police Chief Ronnie Flanagan accused RIRA of deliberately trying to direct civilians to the bombings. UK government prosecutor Gordon Kerr QC called the warning "not only wrong, but... meaningless" and stated that the nature of the warning made it inevitable that the evacuation would lead to the site of the bomb. RIRA firmly denied that it was intended to target civilians. He also stated that the warning was not intended to bring people to the scene of the bombing. During the 2003 Special Criminal Court trial of the RIRA director, Michael McKevitt, witness to the prosecution stated that the inaccurate warning was unintentional.

Aftermath

BBC News stated that those "survivors of a car bomb explosion in a busy shopping district in the city described scenes of mass murder with dead and dying across the street and other victims shouting for help". The wounded were initially taken to two local hospitals, Tyrone County Hospital and Erne Hospital. A local recreation center was established as an accident field center, and Lisanelly Barracks, a military base used as an unprepared morgue. The Conflict Archive on the Internet project states that rescue workers describe the scene as a "battlefield condition". The Tyrone County Hospital became overwhelmed, and asked the local doctor to come help.

Due to emergency services stretching, people were using buses, cars and helicopters to bring survivors to other hospitals in Northern Ireland, including the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast and the Altnagelvin Hospital in Derry. A spokesman for Tyrone County Hospital said they treated 108 victims, 44 of whom had to be transferred to another hospital. Paul McCormick of the Northern Ireland Ambulance Service said, "The injuries are horrible, from amputations, to severe head injuries to serious burns, and among them women and children."

A day after the bombing, family and friends of the dead and wounded use Omagh Recreation Center to send news. The Spanish ambassador to Ireland personally visited some of the wounded and churches throughout Northern Ireland calling for a day of national mourning. Church of Ireland Archbishop of Armagh Robin Eames stated on BBC Radio that, "From the Church's point of view, what I worry about is not a political argument, not a political pleasure, I am concerned about the ordeal of these unworthy ordinary people."

Reactions

The nature of the bombings creates strong international and local criticism of the RIRA and supports the Northern Ireland peace process. Prime Minister Tony Blair called the bombing a "horrible and horrible crime." Queen Elizabeth II expressed her sympathy to the families of the victims, while the Prince of Wales made a visit to the city and talked with the families of some of the victims. Pope John Paul II and President Bill Clinton also expressed their sympathy. The Social Democratic and Labor Party leader John Hume called the perpetrators of the "pure fascist" bombings.

Sinn FÃÆ'Â Â © in Martin McGuinness said, "This terrible act was done by those who opposed the peace process" while Gerry Adams said "I am absolutely horrified by this action, I cursed it without any excuse. McGuinness mentions the fact that both Catholics and Protestants are both wounded and killed, saying, "All of them suffer together, I think all of them ask the question 'Why?', Because so many of them have great expectations, great hope for the future. " Sinn FÃÆ'Â © as an organization initially refused to cooperate with the investigation of the attack, citing the Ulster Kingdom's Ulster engagement. On May 17, 2007, McGuinness stated that the Irish republican would cooperate with an independent international investigation if any were made.

On August 22, 1998, the Irish National Liberation Army called for a ceasefire in its operation against the British government. The National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism has accused the republican paramilitary organization of providing supplies for the bombings. INLA continues to observe a ceasefire despite staying opposed to the Good Friday Agreement. In 2010, he began to close his arm. RIRA also suspended operations for a short time after the Omagh bombing before returning to violence. RIRA under pressure from PIRA after the bombing; PIRA members visited the home of 60 people connected to RIRA and ordered them to disband and stop harassing PIRA gun disposal. BBC News reports that, "Like other bombings in early 1998 in places like Lisburn and Banbridge, Omagh was a conscious effort by the republicans who disagreed with Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness's political strategy, to destabilize Northern Ireland in that respect. who are vulnerable to hope.Failed - but there is a terrible irony about the way in which the campaign is stopped only by an abomination wave triggered by the massacre at Omagh. "

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Responsibility

Accusations

No group claimed responsibility on the day of the attack, but RUC suspected RIRA. RIRA had carried out a car bombing in Banbridge, County Down, two weeks before the Omagh bombing. Three days after the attack, RIRA claimed responsibility and apologized for the attack. On February 7, 2008, a RIRA spokesperson stated that, "The IRA has minimal involvement in Omagh, our code word is used, nothing more, to declare it at that moment will be lost in understandable emotional waves" and "Omagh is an absolute tragedy. The loss of civil life is regrettable. "

On October 9, 2000, the BBC's Panorama program aired a special event Who Bombed Omagh? organized by journalist John Ware. The program quotes RUC Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan as saying, "Unfortunately, until now we have not been able to bill anyone with this terrible cruelty". The program alleged that police on both sides of the Irish border knew the identity of the bombers. It states that, "When car bombs and surveillance cars go to the border, the police believe they communicate via cell phones based on the analysis of calls made in previous hours, during and after the bombings, which may prove to be the key to the Omagh bomb investigation. "Using phone records, the program gave the names of four main suspects as Oliver Traynor, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy, and Seamus Daly. Police have leaked information to the BBC because it was too deep and it happened to be used in court.

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Mandelson praised the Panorama program, calling it "a very strong and very professional work". Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern criticized him, saying that "rounding out names on television" may hinder efforts to secure confidence. First Minister David Trimble stated that he was "very dubious" about it.

Lawrence Rush, whose wife, Elizabeth, was killed in a bombing, tried legally to block the program from being broadcast, saying, "It's media justice, we can not allow this to happen". MP from the Unionist Democrat Party, Oliver Gibson, whose nephew Esther was killed in the bombing, declared that the government had no will to pursue those responsible and welcomed the program.

Police believe the bombing of the BBC Television Center in London on March 4, 2001 was a revenge attack for the broadcast. On April 9, 2003, five RIRA members behind the BBC's office bombing were sentenced and sentenced between 16 and 22 years.

Prosecution and court cases

On September 22, 1998, RUC and GardaÃÆ' arrested twelve people in connection with the bombing. They then release them all at no cost. On February 25, 1999, they questioned and arrested at least seven suspects. Builder and Publican Colm Murphy, from Ravensdale, County Louth, were indicted three days later for conspiracy and convicted on January 23, 2002 by the Special Criminal Court of the Republic. He was sentenced to fourteen years. In January 2005, Murphy's conviction was canceled and a retrial was ordered by the Criminal Court of Appeals, arguing that two Guards had falsified interview records, and that Murphy's previous convictions were incorrectly taken into account by a court judge.

On October 28, 2000, a family of four children were killed in the bombing - James Barker, 12, Samantha McFarland, 17, Lorraine Wilson, 15, and 20-month-old Breda Devine - launched a civil action against the suspects named Panorama . On March 15, 2001, the families of the twenty-nine people killed in the bombing launched a $ 2 million civil action against RIRA suspect Seamus McKenna (died July 14, 2013), Michael McKevitt, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy and Seamus Daly. Former Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Mandelson, Tom King, Peter Brooke, Lord Hurd, Lord Prior, and Lord Merlyn-Rees signed up to support the plaintiff's legal fund. Civil action began in Northern Ireland on 7 April 2008.

On September 6, 2006, Murphy's nephew Sean Hoey, an electrician from Jonesborough, County Armagh, was tried on 29 counts of murder, and alleged terrorism and explosives. Upon completion, Hoey's trial was found on December 20, 2007 that he was not guilty of 56 charges against him.

On 24 January 2008, former Chief of Police Ronnie Flanagan apologized to the families of the victims for lack of conviction in connection with the Omagh bombing. This apology was rejected by some of the victims' families. After the Hoey ruling, BBC News correspondent Kevin Connolly stated that, "The Omagh family is dignified in defeat, because they have dignified at every stage of their struggle for justice." Their campaign will continue, but the prospect is sure to recede now, whoever will be punished for killing husbands and brothers and sisters, wives and children. "Police Service from Northern Ireland Police Chief Sir Hugh Orde stated that he believed there would be no further prosecution.

On June 8, 2009, civil cases taken by the victims' families concluded, with Michael McKevitt, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy, and Seamus Daly known to be responsible for the bombing. Seamus McKenna (died July 14, 2013) was released from involvement. The other is responsible for GBÃ, Â £ 1.6 million damage. It was described as an international landmark award. Murphy and Daly appealed and were given re-trial, but this second trial also found them responsible for the bombing, with a judge explaining the evidence as extraordinary.

On April 10, 2014, Daly was accused of killing 29 victims of the Omagh bombing and with other offenses. Daly lives in Cullaville, County Monaghan, Republic of Ireland. He was arrested in Newry by police after he crossed the border into Northern Ireland. The case against Daly was withdrawn in February 2016, with the Public Prosecutor ruling that "no reasonable reasonable prospects" existed.

Independent bombing investigation

On February 7, 2008, the Northern Ireland Police Board decided to appoint an independent expert panel to review police investigations into the bombing. Some relatives of the bombing victims criticized the decision, saying that an international public inquiry that includes the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland should be established instead. This review to determine whether there is sufficient evidence for further prosecution. Also to investigate the possible oath of two police witnesses made during Sean Hoey's trial. Sinn FÃÆ'Ã… © on the Board of Supervisor Alex Maskey stated that, "Sinn FÃÆ' Â © fully supports the right of the family to call for a full cross border investigation while the Police Council has a clear and legal obligation to examine the police handling of the investigation... We realize that the council has a primary responsibility in carrying out our duty in detaining PSNI to account for justice for the Omagh family ".

Police Ombudsman Report

Ombudsman Police Nuala O'Loan published a report on 12 December 2001 that strongly criticized RUC for its handling of bombing investigations. His report stated that RUC officers had ignored previous warnings about a bomb and failed to act on crucial intelligence grounds. He went on to say that officers had been uncooperative and defensive during his investigations. The report concludes that, "Victims, their families, Omagh people and officers from RUC are disappointed by flawed leadership, poor judgment and lack of urgency." It recommended the creation of an independent new investigative team from the new Northern Ireland Police Service (PSNI), which has since replaced the RUC, led by a senior officer from the outside police force.

Initially, the Police Association, which represents both senior officers and members of the rank and file of the Northern Irish police, went to court to try to block the release of O'Loan's report. The Association states that, "The ombudsman's report and its related decisions constitute abuse of its power, responsibility and legal function." The group then dropped the effort. RUC Police Chief Ronnie Flanagan called the report "very unfair" and "misinformed conclusions reached and then desperate attempts to find anything that might fit that." Other senior police officers also denied the report's findings. Flanagan issued a 190-page response report in response, and also stated that he had considered taking legal action. He argues that some warnings are given by RIRA to cause confusion and lead to a greater loss of life. Assistant Chief of Police Alan McQuillan and Sam Kincaid sent a written statement providing information supporting the report.

The victim's family expressed various reactions to the report. Kevin Skelton, whose wife Philomena was killed in the attack, said that, "After the bombing in Omagh, we were told by Tony Blair and Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, that no stone will be removed... It seems to me that many rocks have been released, but later expressed doubts that the bombing could have been prevented. Lawrence Rush, whose wife Elizabeth was killed in the attack, said that, "There is no reason why Omagh should have happened - the police have neglected their duty." Other Omagh residents said that the police did everything they could. The Belfast Telegraph referred to the report as "a limit in police accountability" and stated that "breaking the taboo around official criticism of police in Northern Ireland". After leaving office on November 5, 2007, Nuala O'Loan stated that the report was not a personal battle between him and Sir Ronnie, and did not lead to one. He stated that "the recommendations we made were fulfilled".

Advanced warning claims

In 2001, a double agent known as Kevin Fulton claimed he told his MI5 handler three days before the bombing that RIRA would bring a "big bomb" across the border. Fulton claimed he also told them who he believed made him and where it was made. He said that MI5 did not forward the information to the police.

RUC Police Chief Ronnie Flanagan called the allegations "unreasonable" and said that the information Fulton gave his employees full "distortion and inaccuracy". However, Flanagan acknowledged that some Fulton information was not given to the RUC Special Branch, due to "administrative errors". In September 2001, British security forces informant Willie Carlin said the Ombudsman had obtained evidence confirming Fulton's allegations. An Ombudsperson spokesman does not condone or deny this statement.

David Rupert, an American citizen, jointly run as an agent by MI5 and FBI. He works as a fundraiser for RIRA. On August 11, 1998, four days before the bombing, Rupert told MI5 officers that RIRA was planning a car bomb attack in Omagh or Derry. It is not known whether this information is forwarded to the RUC Special Branch.

GardaÃÆ' â "¢ also had an agent close to the RIRA at the time. The agent, Paddy Dixon, steals the car for RIRA, which uses it to transport bombs. A few days before the bombing, RIRA told Dixon to steal the Vauxhall Cavalier maroon to be used in the attack. Dixon immediately informed his handler; Detective Sergeant John White. On August 12, White hands this over to his superiors; Detective Chief Inspector Dermot Jennings. According to White, Jennings told him that they would let the bomb pass, especially so that RIRA was not suspicious of Dixon.

Dixon fled from the Republic of Ireland in January 2002. The following year, a transcript of the conversation between Dixon and White was released. In it, Dixon insists that GardaÃÆ' lets the bomb go through and says that "Omagh will explode on their faces". In February 2004, PSNI Police Chief Hugh Orde asked the Republic of Ireland to hand over Dixon. In March 2006, the Chief of Order Police stated that "security services do not withhold relevant intelligence or will develop Omagh investigations". He stated that the republicans who were attacked by MI5 were members of different cells from the Omagh bombers.

An independent report in 2013 concluded that British, Irish and American intelligence agents were "starving" in Omagh intelligence that could prevent the bombing. This report was commissioned by the victim's family and produced by Rights Watch (UK).

GCHQ Monitoring

A documentary film of the BBC Panorama, named Omagh: What the police never noticed, was aired in September 2008. It was revealed that the British intelligence agency GCHQ was monitoring cell phone calls between the bombers as the bomb was pushed into Omagh. Ray White, former Assistant Head of RUC Special Branch, said GCHQ has been monitoring mobile phones at their request. He says he believes GCHQ is listening to a 'live' phone call, rather than just recording it for later. Panorama journalist John Ware claims that the hearing aid has been hidden in the car and that the GCHQ has a recording of what was said. None of this information was given to the RUC at Omagh at the time. The telephone call transcript was later submitted to the RUC Special Branch.

IRA militant charged with murder for 1998 Omagh car bombing - NY ...
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Victim support group

The families of bomb victims created Omagh Support and Self Help Groups after the bombing. The organization is led by Michael Gallagher, whose 21-year-old son, Aidan, was killed in the Omagh attack. The website provides more than 5000 newspaper articles, video recordings, audio recordings, and other information sources related to events leading to and following bombings and information about other terrorist attacks.

The five core objectives of the group are "recovery of poverty, disease, disability," "advancement of education and protection", "raising awareness of the needs and experiences of victims, and the impact of terrorism," "welfare rights advice and information," and " improve the living conditions of the victim ". The group also supported other victims of the Irish bombing, as well as other terrorist bombings, such as the Madrid train bombing of 2004. The group has been protesting outside meetings of 32 District Sovereignty, an Irish Republican political activist group opposed to Friday Good Friday is part of RIRA.

In April 2000, the group argued that the attack violated Article 57 of the Geneva Conventions and stated that they would pursue bombers suspected of using international law. Michael Gallagher told BBC Radio Ulster that, "The republican movement refuses to cooperate and the men hold the key to solving this mystery because they have difficulty working with RUC and GardaÃÆ', we can not get justice." In January 2002, Gallagher told BBC News that, "There is a deep sense of frustration and depression" and called anti-terrorist laws passed after the Omagh bombing was "ineffective". He expressed support for the controversial Panorama program, stating that it reminded "people that what's happening in Omagh can still happen in other cities".

In February 2002, Prime Minister Tony Blair rejected a written request by the group to meet him in Downing Street. Group members accused the Prime Minister of ignoring concerns about police handling of bombing investigations. A Downing Street spokesman stated that, "The Prime Minister certainly understands family worries, but [he] believes that meeting with the State Minister in the Office of Northern Ireland is the perfect place to broadcast their concerns at this stage."

The death of Adrian Gallagher, along with the experiences of his father Michael and those of other families in Omagh Support and Self Help Group formed the story of the Omagh television film, Channel 4-RTÃÆ'â € co-production. Filmmaker Paul Greengrass stated "Omagh Support family and Self Help Group have been in the public eye for the last five years, pursuing legal campaigns, coming to court immediately, with broad implications for all of us and it's a good time for them to be heard, to bring their story to a wider audience so we can all understand the journey they have made. "

In the promotion for the film, Channel 4 stated that the group has been pursuing a "patient, persistent, and persistent campaign to bring those responsible for bombs to justice, and to hold accountable politicians and police on both sides of the border promising so much soon after cruelty but that in the eyes of the family has sent too little. "

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Memorial media

The bombing inspired the song "Paper Sun" by the English hard rock band Def Leppard.

Another song inspired by the bombing was "Peace on Earth" by the U2 rock group. This includes the line, "They read the name on the radio.All the people we all will not know.San and Julia, Gareth, Ann, and Breda." The five names mentioned are the five victims of this attack. Another line, "He never has to say goodbye, To see the color in his eyes, now he's on the ground" is about how James Barker, a victim, is remembered by his mother Donna Barker in an article in Irish Times. after the bombing in Omagh. The Edge has described the song as "the most bitter song ever written U2". The names of all 29 people killed during the bombing were read at the end of the Sunday Bloody Sunday group violence song during the Elevation Tour; one show recorded on U2's concert video Go Home: Live from Slane Castle, Ireland .

The Irish state broadcaster RTÃÆ' â € ° and the British Channel 4 network also produced the 2004 Omagh film that mobilized events surrounding the bombing and its aftermath. The film was directed by Pete Travis and was first shown on television in both countries in May 2004.

Omagh Monument

In late 1999, the Omagh District Council formed the Omagh Memorial Working Group to draw up permanent warnings for victims of the bombing. Members come from the public and private sectors together with representatives of the Omagh Church Forum and members of the victim's family. Omagh Council chief executive John McKinney declared in March 2000 that "we are working towards warnings, this is a very sensitive issue." In April 2007, the Board announced the launch of a public art design competition by the Omagh Memorial Working Group. The group's aim was to make a timely permanent alert for the anniversary of the 10-year bombing on August 15, 2008. It has a total budget of £ 240,000.

Since space for the monuments on Market Street itself is limited, the final warning will be split between the actual bombing site and the temporary Memorial Park about 300 meters away. Artist Sean Hillen and architect Desmond Fitzgerald won the contest with a design that, in the words of the Irish Times, "centered on the most basic yet moving elements: the light." The heliostatic mirror will be placed in a memorial park that tracks the sun to project a constant sunlight into 31 small mirrors, each scratched with the victim's name. All the mirrors then reflect light into the heart-shaped crystals inside the obelisk pillar that stands at the bomb site.

In September 2007, the Omagh Council's words on the memorial plaque - the "republic car bomb that did not agree" - made it against some families of victims. Michael Gallagher has stated that "there is no ambiguity over what happened on August 15, 1998, and there is no dance around words that can distract from the truth." The Council appointed an independent mediator in an effort to reach agreement with the families. Construction begins on the anniversary of July 27, 2008.

On August 15, 2008, a memorial service was held at Omagh. Senior government representatives from Britain, the Republic of Ireland and the Stormont Assembly were present, along with relatives of many victims. A number of grieving families, however, boycotted the service and held their own service the following Sunday. They argue that the Omagh council dominated by Sinn FÃÆ'Â © will not admit that the republicans are responsible for the bombing.

Omagh bombing: what happened and who was responsible? | The Week UK
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See also

  • Real time IRA action line
  • Chronology of Northern Ireland Issues
  • Issues in Omagh

Prince Charles Meets Medics Who Treated Omagh Bombing Victims ...
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References


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Source

  • Darby, John (2001). Effects of violence on the peace process . United States Institute of Peace Press. ISBN: 978-1929223312.
  • Mooney, John; O'Toole, Michael (2004). Black Operation: The Secret War Against the Real IRA . Maverick House. ISBN: 0-9542945-9-9.
  • de Burgh, Hugo (2008). Investigative Journalism: Context and Practice . Routledge. ISBN: 978-0-415-44144-5.

Provisional IRA | Padraig Colman
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External links

  • The Bombing Warning Site
  • Omagh Support and Self Help Group
  • Reflections on Omagh bombing from five years on
  • Intelligence on Omagh bombs 'detained from police'

Source of the article : Wikipedia

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