Columbus's letter on the first voyage

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The Columbus letter on the first voyage is the first known document announcing the results of Christopher Columbus's first voyage beginning in 1492 and reaching America. The letter seems to have been written by Columbus himself, on February 15, 1493, on the caravel NiÃÆ' Â ± a , while still at sea, on the return leg of his voyage. A post-script was added on his arrival in Lisbon on March 4, 1493, and perhaps from there Columbus sent two copies of his letter to the Spanish courts.

The letter was instrumental in spreading the word across Europe about Columbus's voyages. Soon after Columbus's arrival in Spain, the printed version of the letter began to appear. The Spanish version of the letter (allegedly addressed to Luis de Santang), was printed in Barcelona in early April 1493, and the Latin translation (addressed to Gabriel Sanchez) was published in Rome about a month later (c) May 1493). The Latin version was quickly disseminated and reprinted in many other locations - Basel, Paris, Antwerp, etc.-- still within the first year of its arrival.

In his letter, Christopher Columbus claims to have discovered and taken over a number of islands on the edge of the Indian Ocean in Asia. He described the islands, especially Hispaniola and Cuba, exaggerating their size and wealth, and suggested that mainland China might be located nearby. He also gave a brief description of the Arawak indigenous people (whom he called "Indians"), emphasizing their generosity and worthiness, and the prospect of their mass transfer to Christian Catholicism. However, the letter also reveals local rumors of a malignant human-eating tribe of "monster" in the area (perhaps Caribs), although Columbus itself does not believe the stories, and takes it as a myth. The letter gives very little details of the oceanic voyage itself, and it covers the loss of its mother ship, Santa MarÃÆ'a, by suggesting Columbus leave him with some colonists, in a fort he built at La Navidad in Hispaniola. In the letter, Columbus urged Catholic kings to sponsor a second larger expedition to the Indies, promising to bring back great wealth.

A slightly different version of Columbus's letter, in the form of a manuscript, addressed to Spanish Catholic kings, was discovered in 1985, part of the Libro Copiador collection, and has led to several revisions of Columbus's Letter history.

Video Columbus's letter on the first voyage

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Christopher Columbus, a Genoese captain in the service of the Crown of Castile, set out on his first voyage in August 1492 with the goal of reaching the East Indies by sailing west across the Atlantic Ocean. As is known, instead of reaching Asia, Columbus discovered Caribbean islands in America. Though convinced that he had found Asia's periphery, Columbus sailed back to Spain on January 15, 1493, above the caravel NiÃÆ' Â ± a . According to its sailing journal, on February 14, Columbus was caught in a storm off the coast of the Azores. The bad conditions resulting from his ship forced him to be placed in Lisbon (Portugal) on 4 March 1493. Columbus finally arrived at Palos de la Frontera in Spain eleven days later, on 15 March 1493.

During the return trip, while on board the ship, Columbus wrote a letter reporting the results of his voyage and announcing his discovery of the "islands of the Indies". In an additional note added when he stopped in Lisbon, Columbus reportedly sent at least two copies of a letter to a Spanish court - a copy to the Catholic king Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, and a second copy to Aragonese official Luis de SantÃÆ'Ângngel , a major supporter and financial supporter of the Columbus expedition.

A copy of Columbus's letter was somehow taken by the publisher, and his print edition began to appear throughout Europe within a few weeks after Columbus returned to Spain. The Spanish version of the letter (based on a letter sent to Luis de Santangel) was printed in Barcelona probably in late March or early April 1493. The Latin translation of the letter (addressed to Gabriel Sanchez) was printed in Rome about a month later. In the first year of his arrival, eight more editions of the Latin version were printed in various European cities - two in Basel, three in Paris, two in Rome and one in Antwerp. Already in June 1493, the letter had been translated by a poet into an Italian poem, and the version went through many editions in the next few years. The German translation appeared in 1497. The rapid spread of Columbus's letter was made possible by the printing press, a new discovery that had just established itself.

The letter of Columbus (especially the Latin edition) falsified the initial public perception of newly discovered land. Indeed, until the discovery of Columbus's on-board journal, first published in the 19th century, this letter is the only direct testimony known to Columbus about his experience on the first voyage of 1492. It is estimated, overall, between 1493 and 1500, 3,000 copies of Columbus's letters were published, half of them in Italian, making them the best-selling book of the time. In contrast, Columbus's letter 1495 on the second voyage and his 1505 shipping letters only had one print, probably no more than 200 copies.

The original version of Columbus's letter, written by his hand, was never found. Only print editions - Spanish and Latin - are known. However, the third version of the letter, contained in a collection of sixteenth century manuscripts known as Libro Copiador, was discovered in 1985. This manuscript version differs in some significant respects from the print edition and, despite its authenticity still tentative, many believe that the Copiador version becomes a closer translation of original Columbus original work.

Maps Columbus's letter on the first voyage

Mail contents

The Latin version published from the letter is almost entitled "Letter of Columbus, on Indian islands outside the recently discovered Ganges River". The term "India outside the Ganges" ( India extra Gangem ) is an ancient term often used by previous geographers (eg, Ptolemy) to refer vaguely to Southeast Asia (roughly from Burma all the way to the Malay Peninsula); the Indian subcontinent is rightly referred to as "India inside the Ganges" ( India intra Gangem ). Thus the "Indian islands outside the Ganges" islands which are claimed to have been achieved will be approximately in accordance with modern Indonesia or thereabouts. The previously unlabeled Spanish print edition, as well as a copy of the manuscript to the Catholic kings ( Libro Copiador ).

In the letter, Christopher Columbus does not describe the journey itself, merely saying that he traveled thirty-three days and arrives on the islands of the "Indies" ( las Indias ), "everything I take ownership to Our highness, by proclaiming heralds and flying kingdom standards, and no one minds ". He describes the islands as inhabited by "Indians" ( Indios ).

In printed papers, Columbus tells how he gave new names on six islands. Four are in the modern Bahamas: (1) Sant Salvador (where he also gives the local name, Guanaham in Spanish and Guanahanin latin, the modern English text usually makes it the Guanahani ), (2) Santa Maria de Concepcion , (3) Ferrandina in the Latin version, in modern texts Fernandina ), and (4) la isla Bella (provided as Hysabellam Latin, and La Isabela in modern texts). He also named La Isla Juana Joanam in Latin, modern Cuba) and (6) the island of La SpaÃÆ'Â ± ola ( La Isla Juana Hispana in Latin letters, modern Hispaniola). In that letter, Columbus said he believed Juana was actually part of the continental land ( terra firme ) of Cathay ( Catayo , ancient to China), although he also acknowledged some The Indian he met told him that Juana was an island. Then in that letter, Columbus placed the islands at latitudes 26 ° N, slightly fair in the north of their actual location ("the distinction of equinocial veinte e seis grados"). (Note: in version Copiador , Columbus does not mention latitude or real name Guanahanin .)

In his letter, Columbus explains how he sailed along the northern coast of Juana (Cuba) for spells, searching for cities and rulers, but finding only "no cosa de regimiento" villages. He noted that the native people usually run away when approached. Finding this path was fruitless, he decided to return and headed southeast, finally seeing the great island of Hispaniola, and exploring along the northern coast. Columbus exaggerates the size of these lands, claiming that Juana is larger in size than the British ("maior que Inglaterra y Escocia juntas") and Hispaniola is larger than the Iberian peninsula ("en cierco tiene mas que la espana toda").

In his letter, Columbus seems to attempt to present the islands of the Indies as suitable for future colonization. Columbus's description of the natural habitat in his letters emphasizes rivers, forests, grasslands, and fields "very suitable for cultivation and cultivation, to nourish all kinds of cattle and establish cities and agriculture" ("gruesas para plantar y senbrar, criar ganados de todas suertes, the hedificios de villas e lugares "). He also stated that Hispaniola is "abundant in many spices, and gold mines, and other metals" ("ay mucha especiarias y grandes minas de oros y otros metales"). He compared his fertile and good Hispaniola because it is more profitable for settlements than the Cuban mountains.

Columbus characterizes the natives of the Indian islands as primitive, innocent, without reason ("like a beast", "como bestias"), and not threatening. He explains how they are almost naked, that they have no iron and weapons, and are basically scared and fearful ("son of temerosos sin remedio"), even "very cowardly" ("en demasiado grado cobardes").

According to Columbus, when persuaded to interact, the natives were generous and naive, willing to exchange large quantities of precious gold and cotton for useless glass trinkets, glassware, and even shoestring tips ("cabos de agugetas"). In the print edition (though not in Copiador's version) Columbus notes that he tried to prevent his own sailors from exploiting the shade of India, and that he even gave something of value, such as cloth, to the natives as a gift, to make they are fine "so that they may be made Christians and incline lovingly and service towards Our Highnesses and all the Castilian nation".

Columbus made a special note that the natives were poorly organized religion, not even idols ("no conocian ninguna seta nin idolatria"). He claimed the natives believed the Spaniards and their ships had "descended from heaven" ("que yo... venia del cielo"). Columbus notes that the natives of different islands seem to all speak the same language (Arawaks of the area all speak Taà ± o), which he says will facilitate "conversion to the sacred religion of Christ, which in truth, as far as I can feel, ready and tend to be good ".

Perhaps worried that his characterization might make it seem that the indigenous population is not suitable for a useful workforce, Columbus notes that Indians are "not slow or unskilled, but very good and acute". He also noted that "women seem to work more than men".

The physical description of Columbus is short, only noting that the natives have straight hair and are "not black like the one in Guinea". They go around usually naked, though sometimes they wear small cotton wire. They often carry a hollow stick, which they use to fight and fight. They eat their food "with a lot of spices that are too hot" ("comen con especias muchas y muy calientes en demasÃÆ'a"; in Copiador version Columbus refers to hot red chili under the name TaÃÆ'no, agÃÆ's ). Columbus claims Indians practice monogamy ("each man is content with one wife"), "except for rulers and kings" (who can have as many as twenty wives). He claims he is not sure if they have the idea of ​​private ownership ("Ni he podido entender si tenian bienes proprios"). In a more detailed section, Columbus describes an Indian rowing boat ( canoa , the first known written appearance of this word, derived from TaÃÆ'no). Columbus compares the Indian canoe with Europe fusta (kitchenette).

Towards the end of the letter, Columbus reveals that the local Indians told him about the possibility of a cannibal, which he calls a "monster" ("monstruos"). This is a possible reference for Caribs from the Leeward Islands, although the word "cannibal" or "Carib" does not appear in the printed edition (but, in Copiador's letter, he claims the "monster" is from an island called " Caribo ", Dominica?). Columbus says monsters are reported to be long-haired, very virulent, and "eat human meat" ("los quales comen carne humana"). Columbus has not seen them himself, but says that local Indians claim that monsters have many canoes, and that they sail from island to island, robbing everywhere. However, Columbus proclaims disbelief in the existence of these "monsters", or rather suggests this may be just a local Indian myth relating to a distant sailor Indian tribe who may be no different to them ("I assume they are no more important than others" "yo no los tengo en tone mas que a los otros").

Columbus links the monster's story with another local legend about the tribe of female warriors, who are said to inhabit the island of "Matinino" in eastern Hispaniola ("the first island of the Indies, closest to Spain", Guadaloupe?). Columbus speculates that the canoe monster born above is just the "husband" of this warrior woman, who visits the island intermittently for mating. The female island is reportedly full of copper, which the female soldiers forge weapons and shields.

In order for the reader to be alert, Columbus goes around with a more upbeat report, saying local Indian Hispaniola also told him about a huge island nearby that is "filled with countless gold" ("en esta ay oro sin cuenta"). (He did not give this golden island a name in the printed letters, but in the Copiador version, the island was identified and named as "Jamaica".) In print, Columbus claims to bring back some of the "bald-headed" the golden island with him. Earlier in the letter, Columbus had spoken also about the land of "Avan" ("Faba" in the Copiador letter), in the western part of Juana, where the man was said to be "born with a tail" ("donde nacan la gente con cola ") - perhaps a reference to Guanajatabey from western Cuba.

The Libro Copiador version of the letter contains more of the island's original names than the print edition. For example, in a letter to Copiador, Columbus notes that the "monster" island is called "Caribo", and explains how the Matinino female soldiers drove their sons to be raised there. It also refers to an island named "Borinque" (Puerto Rico), not mentioned in the printed edition, that the natives reported to lie between Hispaniola and Caribo. The Copiador of Juana's letter was called "Cuba" by the natives ("aquÃÆ' Â © llos llaman de Cuba"). He also gave more details about the golden island, saying it was "bigger than Juana", and lying on the other side, "which they call Jamaica", where "everyone has no hair and no gold without size" ("que llaman Jamaica; adonde toda la gente della son of cabellos, en ÃÆ'Ã… © sta ay oro sin medida "). In a letter to Copiador, Columbus showed that he brought a normal (full-haired) Indian back to Spain who had gone to Jamaica, who would report more about it (rather than bringing the island itself with a bald head ) residents, as claimed in the printed letters).

Columbus also gave an explanation of some of his own activities in the letters. In the letter, he notes that he ordered the establishment of the La Navidad fort on Hispaniola island, leaving behind some Spanish colonies and merchants. The Columbus report also left a caravel - clearly covering the disappearance of the ship, Santa MarÃÆ'a . He reports that La Navidad is located near a reported gold mine, and is a well-placed entrepot for trade that will undoubtedly soon open with the Great Khan ("gran Can") on the mainland. He speaks of a local king near Navidad whom he befriends and treats him as a sibling ("y grand amistad con el de la de gracia tierra grado que se preciava de me lhamar e tener por hermano") - almost certainly a reference to GuacanagarÃÆ'x, the cacique of MariÃÆ' Â © n.

In the Copiador version (but not the printed edition), Columbus alludes to the betrayal of "one from Palos" ("uno de Palos"), which made one of the vessels, apparently a complaint about MartÃÆ'n Alonso PinzÃÆ'³n, captain of < Pinta Copiador version also mentions other points of personal friction not found in the print edition, e.g. a reference to the Columbus ridicule suffered in the Spanish court before his departure, subject to pressure to use large ships for marine navigation, rather than the small caravel he liked, which would be easier to explore.

At the end of his print letter, Columbus promised that if Catholic Kings returned his offer to return with a larger fleet, he would bring back plenty of gold, spices, cotton (repeatedly referenced in the letter), chewing gum, aloe vera, slaves , and possibly rhubarb and cinnamon ("which I hear here").

Columbus ended the letter urging their Majesties, the Church, and the Spaniards to thank God for allowing him to discover so many souls, until now gone, ready for conversion to Christianity and eternal salvation. He also urged them to be grateful beforehand for all the temporal goods found abundant in the Indies that would soon be available to Castile and other Christians.

The version of the Copiador (but not the Spanish or Latino print edition) also contained a somewhat strange detour into the messianic fantasy, where Columbus suggested kings should use the Indies wealth to finance a new crusade to conquer Jerusalem. , Columbus himself offered to cover a large army of ten thousand cavalry and hundreds of thousands of infantry for that purpose.

The stop sign varies between editions. The printed Spanish letter is dated on a caravel "in the Canary Islands" on February 15, 1493. ("Fecha en la caravela sobra las yslas de Canaria a xv de Febrero, ano Mil.cccclxxxxiii"), and signed only "El Almirante" while the printed Latin edition was signed "Cristoforus Colom, prefectus oceanee classis" ("Prefect of the Ocean fleet"). However, it is doubtful Columbus actually signed such an original letter. According to the Capitulations of Santa Fe negotiated prior to his departure (April 1492), Christopher Columbus is not entitled to use the title "Admiral of the Ocean Sea" unless the voyage succeeds. It would be very lasting for Columbus to sign his name like that in February or March, when the original letter was drawn up, before the success was confirmed by the royal court. Columbus only obtained his title confirmation on March 30, 1493, when the Catholic kings, recognizing the acceptance of his letter, address Columbus for the first time as "Our Admiral of the Seas and Vice-Roy and Governor of the islands which have been found in the Indies" ("nuestro Almirante del mar OcÃÆ' Â © ano e Visorrey y Gobernador de las Islas que se han descubierto en las Indias "). It shows the signature in the print edition not in the original letter, but is an editorial choice by the copyist or printer.

In the Copiador version there are verses (removed from print editions) petitioning the king for the honor he promised in Santa Fe, and also asking the cardinal for his son and the appointment of his friend, Pedro de Villacorta, as the payer from the Dutch East Indies. The letter Copiador is marked "made in the Spanish Sea on March 4, 1493" ("Fecha en la mar de Espaà ± a, a quatro dÃÆ'as de marÃÆ'§o"), in stark contrast to February 15, print. There is no name or signature at the end of the letter Copiador ; it ended suddenly "En la mar" ("At sea").

In the Spanish print edition (though not in the Latin or Copiador edition), there is a small writing dated March 14, written in Lisbon, noting that the return journey takes only 28 days (in contrast to 33 days out), but the unusual winter storm caused him to be delayed for an additional 23 days. A codicil in the Spanish print edition shows that Columbus sent this letter to "Escribano de Racion", and the other to His Holiness. The Latin edition does not contain postscript, but ends with epigram verses added by Leonardus de Cobraria, Bishop of Monte Peloso.

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Assessment

Christopher Columbus's letters are often compared to other early explorers, especially his contemporary Amerigo Vespucci, whose letters in 1504-05 enjoyed greater spread and popularity. The tone and focus of Columbus's letter may have something to do with it. Columbus's description of land and society is not really a separate observer, full of curiosity, but rather as an entrepreneur who invests with the eye for economic opportunities. It should be remembered that the Columbus expedition was a commercial destination. After failing to find a market and big city in China or India, he returned with an empty stomach. So it is not surprising that in his letter, which has the purpose of reporting the results of his voyage to his investors, Columbus emphasizes the future economic prospects of making it seem successful.

At every turn, Columbus seems to be trying to portray the islands of the Indies as suitable for future colonization. The idea of ​​colonization for profit is no stranger at the time. The Portuguese had colonized the Atlantic islands of Madeira and Azores and established a sizable export industry in wood, sugar and dragon blood, and the Castilian crown was in the process of completing its conquest in the Canary Islands, which crashed into trade within the orchestra and slaves. when they leave.

In his letter, Columbus's description of the land focuses on a list of exploitable natural resources and what can be built there in the future (mine, municipal, livestock), rather than launching into a descriptive dissertation. There is no long allusion to the Garden of Eden on earth, the extraordinary vegetation or colorful singers, or the structure of Indian villages, as can be found in Vespucci's letters or in Columbus's own. It seems that evidence of Columbus's letter was written for the hearing of European officials and merchants, not to please the imagination of a common European reader.

Anthropological records in Columbus's letters are relatively rare. He did not thoroughly investigate or describe the local Arawak people, their lifestyles, their communities or their customs in detail. Instead, Columbus's letter primarily focused on indigenous interactions with the Spaniards, underlining their purity and convenience and other relevant points for successful future colonization prospects (religion, exchange, property understanding, work capacity). In emphasizing the strength and lack of their weapons, Columbus may have thought of a long and painful Spanish conquest of the Canary Islands, which had been strongly opposed by the original Guanch, and may attempt to underline that such difficulties will not be encountered in the Indian islands. The existence of the Carib - the prospect of a warlike cannibal would undoubtedly shrink colonization - was quickly rejected by Columbus as a myth.

The religious angle, repeated emphasis on the newly available mass of souls and inclined to conversion to Catholic Christianity, and even the crusading theory of the Copiador letter, is written more for ecclesiastical-legal hearing than investors. Decisions about the future of the islands belonging to the pious Queen of Castile and the Pope, the principal arbitrator of legal claims. Here, too, Columbus seems to be aware of history. The discovery of the Canary Islands in the 1340s has launched a wave of slaving expeditions that shocked the Church and encouraged the intervention of the pope, who ruled out the claims of the Iberian kingdom and wrote the islands to a private entrepreneur (Luis de la Cerda) who promised to change the indigenous population. The Portuguese prince Henry the Navigator readily links the concept of slavery and religious conversion to a papal grant for Guinea's exclusive commercial exploitation. Whether the first steps will succeed in Columbus's case is unclear, but the letter leaves little chance. The queen has made some important promises (Capitulations of Santa Fe), which Columbus reminds her of (in the letter ). If kings do not follow up, religious arguments may find sympathetic ears in the Church and may persuade the pope to defend his privileges, and perhaps even (though this is a stretch) decide to turn Columbus into De la Cerda or modern Prince Henry, and crown him personally as "Prince of the Indian Isles".

The practical intentions of Columbus's letter affect his tone and focus, and may limit his audience, especially when compared to the more popular Amerigo Vespucci letters. The issue of Asian trade, economic exploitation and legal claims, may appeal to foreign merchants, royal officials and Church attorneys, but less so for general European readers who are unlikely to engage at such a high level. The Epistle of Vespucci, in comparison, speaks to a more general imagination - a new world, a heaven on earth, a noble savage, a society without the lord and ignorance of the ancients, draws a general curiosity and is interested in the scientific interests of Renaissance humanists on that time.. Vespucci's poetic story about cannibalism and free sexuality adds a touch of titillation to the magic. Columbus's letter, which passes these details too quickly, and focuses on promising wealth to merchants and converting to the Church, seems relatively boring and grasped by comparison. Some amazing things in Columbus's letter - cannibals, men with tails, and the Amazon island - are brief and just rumors, whispered as the usual travel myths, are unlikely to attract serious attention or make the tongue speak among humanists.

Columbus's letter introduces his name to a European audience, but not enough to capture it. In the coming years, the name Amerigo Vespucci is associated with a new continent. Columbus's reputation and accomplishments cemented less by his own pen, and more by early Spanish chroniclers, such as Peter Martir d'Anghiera, Gonzalo FernÃÆ'¡ndez de Oviedo, BartolomÃÆ'Â © de las Casas, Francisco LÃÆ'³pez de GÃÆ'³mara, Antonio Herrera and, of course, his own son, Ferdinand Columbus.

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Mail history

No copies of the original manuscripts of the Columbus letter are known to exist. Historians must rely on clues in print editions, many of them published without dates or locations, to reconstruct the history of the letter.

It is assumed that Columbus wrote the original letter in Spanish. Consequently, historians tend to agree that the edition of Barcelona (which has no date or publisher's name, and a hastily printed appearance) may be first published, and closest to the original. At the end of the Barcelona edition, there is a codicil which states:

" Esta carta enbiÃÆ'³ Colom al Escrivano de RaciÃÆ'³n, de las Islas halladas en las Indias, contenida ÃÆ'¡ otra de sus Altezas. " (Trans: "This letter was sent by Columbus to Escrivano de Racion Of the islands found in the Indies, it contains (contained in?) Another (letter) for their Highness ")

This shows that Columbus sent two letters - one to Escrivano de RaciÃÆ'³n, Luis de SantÃÆ'Ângng, and another to the Catholic king, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile.

In the printed version of the Spanish letter, the post-script is dated March 14, not March 4; this could be just a printer error; letter to the kings of Libro Copiador gave the correct post-script date, March 4, 1493.

Delivery

In an on-board journal summary, Columbus's son Ferdinand Columbus (corroborated by BartolomÃÆ'Â © de las Casas), reported that his father wrote two letters to the Catholic kings in the midst of a storm around the Azores on February 14, and sealed them in barrels -tong waterproof, one thrown into the sea, the other tied up to the stern, so that if the ships ran aground, the letters would float themselves to the ground. It is almost impossible to assume the letters were sent in this way; the vats might be taken back when the storm subsided, and the texts confirmed that they were sent later. (It is also noteworthy that Columbus initiated a long letter in the storm - he must have more urgent matters to note, he probably wrote the main part of the letter in a quiet period before the storm began on February 12, and rushed to finish it when the storm hit).

There is some uncertainty as to whether Christopher Columbus sent a direct letter from Lisbon, having docked there on March 4, 1493, or holding them until he reached Spain, sending a letter only after his arrival at Palos de la Frontera on March 15, 1493.

It is possible, though uncertain, that Columbus sent a letter from Lisbon to a Spanish court, probably by a courier. The Columbus Journal says that when anchored in Lisbon, Bartholomew Dias (on behalf of King John II of Portugal) demanded that Columbus submit his report to him, strongly rejected by Columbus, saying that his report was to the kings of Spain alone. Columbus may realize time is of the essence. It was common knowledge for royal and commercial agents to greet and interview sailors back on the dock, so the king of Portugal would likely have the information he was looking for quite quickly. Once he determines the location of the islands discovered by Columbus, John II may launch a legal assault or send his own ships, to claim them for Portugal. So Columbus realizes the Spanish courts need to be informed of the results of his journey as soon as possible. Had Columbus decided to wait until he reached Palos to send his letter, it might have been too late for the kings of Spain to react and prevent all Portuguese actions. The earliest records of Spanish news, reported that Columbus "had arrived in Lisbon and found everything he was looking for", listed in a letter by Luis de la Cerda y de la Vega, Duke of Medinaceli, in Madrid, dated March 19, 1493,

It was probably afraid of the courier interception of Lisbon by a Portuguese agent who encouraged Columbus to introduce some misinformation in his letter. For example, Columbus claims he wrote the letter in a caravel when he was around the Canary Islands (rather than the Azores) it is possible to hide that he had sailed in Portuguese territorial waters. (The letter of the manuscript to Monarch writes the location as "Mar de EspaÃÆ'  ± a"). In the letter, Columbus also placed the islands at 26Ã, ° N, just north of their actual location, presumably trying to set them above the latitude designated by the AlcÃÆ'¡ÃÆ'§ovas Agreement of 1479 as the limits of the exclusive domination of the crown Portuguese (it falls a bit short - the latitude of the agreement is set at the latitude of the Canary island, about 27  ° 50 ', which cuts around the center of the Florida peninsula). He gave no details about his role, not mentioning whether he sailed west, north or south, or whether the waters were shallow or deep - Columbus's letters "say a lot and do not reveal anything". In addition, it is unclear about the length of the trip, claiming it took "thirty-three days" (which is roughly true if measured from the Canaries, but it is seventy-one days since he left Spain himself; Columbus's letter left him unclear). Finally, his assertion that he formally "controlled" the islands for Catholic kings, and abandoned the people (and a ship) at La Navidad, may have been stressed to prevent any Portuguese claims.

Recipient

An explicit recipient of Spanish Columbus's letter is Escribano de RaciÃÆ'³n - at that time, Luis de SantÃÆ'¡ngel. The official position of the Crown of Aragon, Escribano de RaciÃÆ'³n is a large accountant or monetary overseer of the king's household expenses, and may be considered finance minister to Ferdinand II of Aragon.

It is not surprising that Columbus chose Santangel out as the first news recipient. Santangel was the one who filed the case, and persuaded Queen Isabella to sponsor Columbus's journey eight months earlier. Indeed, Santangel arranged much financing for the Castilian crown (mostly from his own pocket) to allow the king to sponsor him. Since Santangel has ridden much of the results of this expedition, perhaps more than anyone, it may be natural for Columbus to deliver his first letter to him. In addition, as the letter points out, Columbus sought more financing to return with a larger fleet to the Indies as soon as possible, so it would be useful to contact Santangel immediately, so he could set the wheels for the second voyage.

The second copy of the letter, which seems to be sent to the Catholic Monarchy, becomes more complicated. The verb "contains" in the codicil of the Spanish Letter to Santangel leaves ambiguous which is contained therein. Some believe that the letters to the King and Santangel were sent separately, perhaps even on different days (March 4 and March 14 respectively) others suggested Santangel should personally deliver letters to the kings (despite dealing with royal correspondence beyond its formal function, the closeness of Santangel to Isabella may be a security consideration); while others believe it to the contrary, that the letter to Santangel was first submitted to the king for royal approval before being forwarded to Santangel for the last publication (it would be consistent with the Santangel office as Escribano , to oversee and pay for printers). The answer of the Catholic kings to Columbus, dated March 30, 1493, acknowledged the receipt of the letter, but did not explain anything about how the letter was delivered.

It has long been believed by historians that Spanish print editions, although they do not contain an address except "SeÃÆ' Â ± or", are based on a copy of a letter sent by Columbus to Luis de Santangel, but a Latin edition was printed in Rome (and subsequently Basel, Paris , etc.) is a translated version of a copy of a letter sent by Columbus to Catholic Kings.

Printed Spanish and Latin editions are practically identical, with only a few very small differences, mostly caused by the printer. In particular, the Latin edition omits postscript and codicil relating to Escribano , and adds the prologue and epilogue not present in the Spanish edition, which gives some clue as to its assumed origin. The earliest Latin versions (though no date or printer name) declared the letter addressed to "Raphael Sanxis" (assumed to mean Gabriel Sanchez, the treasurer of the Crown of Aragon), and had the opening greetings calling Catholic king Ferdinand II Aragon (the Latin edition later renamed receiver to "Gabriel Sanchez" and add Isabella I from Castile to greetings). The Prolog notes that the translation into Latin was done by notary Leander de Cosco and completed on 29 April 1493 ("the third of the May calendar"). The Latin edition also has epilogues with epigram praising Ferdinand II by the prelate of Neapolitan Leonardus de Corbaria, Bishop of Monte Peloso.

For much of the last century, many historians have interpreted this record to show that the Latin edition is a translation copy of a letter sent to Catholic kings, who were holding a court in Barcelona at the time. The commonly related story is that after the original original letter of Columbus was read aloud in court, the notary Leander de Cosco was commissioned by Ferdinand II (or the treasurer, Gabriel Sanchez) to translate it into Latin. The copy was then forwarded to Naples (later part of the crown of Aragon), where Bishop Leonardus held it. The bishop then took him to Rome, perhaps to report his contents to Pope Alexander VI. At that time, the pope was far away amid the arbitration between the Portuguese and Spanish crown claims of Columbus discoveries. The papal bull Inter caetera , conveyed the pope's initial opinion, was issued on 3 May 1493, although there were still disputed details to be resolved (the second and third bulls soon followed). Perhaps Bishop Leander was trying to use Columbus's letter to influence the process. While in Rome, Bishop Leonardus arranged for the publication of the letter by Roman printer Stephanus Plannck, perhaps with an eye to help popularize and advance the Spanish case. Reprints of subsequent letters in Basel, Paris, and Antwerp in a few months, seem to indicate that copies of the Roman edition along the usual trade routes to Central Europe, may be brought by merchants interested in this news.

The 1985 discovery of the manuscript, known as Libro Copiador, containing a copy of Columbus's letter addressed to the Catholic King, has led to this historical revision. The version Copiador has some very different differences from the print edition. It is now increasingly believed that the Latin edition printed in Rome was actually a translation of the letter to Santangel, and that the letters to the Kings were never translated or printed. In other words, all print editions, Spanish and Latin, are from the same Spanish letter as Luis de Santangel. In this view, the reference to "Raphael Sanxis" added by the Roman printer is considered a simple mistake, perhaps arising from the confusion or uncertainty in Italy about who actually held the office of "Escribano de Racion" of Aragon at the time, the Bishop or the printer mistakenly assumed it Gabrel Sanchez and not Luis de Santangel. But another possibility is that Aragon's bureaucracy made copies of Santangel's letter, and forwarded a copy to Sanchez for the information, and that the letter found its way to Italy by several channels, with or without royal permission (a fragment of the Italian translation suggesting the treasurer send a copy to his brother, Juan Sanchez, then a merchant in Florence.)

Nevertheless, some historians believe that Columbus sent three different letters: one Catholic Monarch (manuscript), the other to Luis de Santangel (origin of Spanish print edition), and the third to Gabriel Sanchez (origin of the Latin edition). In other words, that the letters of Santangel and Sanchez, although practically identical, remain different. However, this leaves the question of why Columbus sent a separate letter to Gabriel Sanchez, the treasurer of Aragon, who was not familiar with him, nor involved specifically in the Dutch Indies company, nor had more influence in court than Santangel or some others Columbus might have invited.

Gabriel Sanchez's choice may, however, have been on the recommendation or initiative of Luis de Santangel. Gabriel Sanchez is the family of conversations that trace their origins back to a Jew named Alazar Goluff from Saragossa, and Sanchez married the daughter of Santangel's cousin (also named Luis de Santangel). Although there is no record of Sanchez's direct involvement in the organization or financing of the fleet, his niece, Rodrigo Sanchez, was on board Columbus either as a surgeon or a veedor (or fiscal inspector). Years earlier, three brothers Gabriel Sanchez - Juan, Alfonso, and Guillen - and his sister-in-law, Santangel's cousin (also, confusingly, named Luis de Santangel, like his father) were accused of conspiracy in Spanish assassination murder Pedro de Arbuà ©  © s in 1485. Juan and Alfonso escaped abroad, Guillen was tried but was given a chance to repent. Santangel's brother-in-law, however, was found guilty of Judaizing and sentenced to death. Gabriel Sanchez himself was also accused, but he was soon released by his master, King Ferdinand II. Probably not a coincidence, one of the people involved in the conspiracy was Leander Cosco's uncle, a Latin translator from Columbus's letter to Sanchez, who may himself be a relative of the Sanchez clan. Brother Gabriel Juan Sanchez places himself in Florence as a merchant, and is known to have received a copy of Columbus's letter from Gabriel Sanchez, who was assigned to be translated into Italian (only fragments survive, see below). One of Gabriel's nephews, also named Juan Sanchez, later (1502) became Aragon's treasurer in Seville and a supply contractor for Hispaniola colonies. The complicated familial relationship between Luis de Santangel, Gabriel Sanchez, Juan Sanchez and Leander Cosco could be a mere coincidence, but it also suggests that the process of deployment may have been centrally organized by Luis de Santangel through channels he believes.

It has been suggested in recent years that the printed letter may not have been written entirely by Columbus's hands, but edited by a court official, perhaps Luis de Santangel. This is reinforced by the discovery of Libro Copiador . The text in the Spanish and Latin print editions is much cleaner and more efficient than the roaming prose from Columbus's letter to kings found at Libro Copiador. In particular, the print edition eliminates almost all Columbus's allusions to the personal friction found in the manuscript - on the ship's choice, the past treatment at the royal court, or the "one from Palos" (MartÃÆ'n Alonso PinzÃÆ'³n) - as well as Columbus's odd call to war the cross in the Holy Land. The removal of these "disturbing" points strongly indicates that there are other hands in editing the print edition. And that this hand may be a royal official, because these points can be interpreted as dishonorable or embarrassing crowns.

This suggests that the printing of Columbus's letters, if not directly done by imperial command, may have royal knowledge and approval. His intention may be to popularize and advance the Spanish case against Portuguese claims. As noted earlier, this is being negotiated intensively in papal courts throughout 1493-94. If so, it is very likely that Luis de Santangel is a royal official, that he edited the content and supervised printing in Spain, and it was Santangel who sent copies of edited letters to Gabriel Sanchez who proceeded to distribute them to his contacts in Italy to be translated into Latin and Italy and printed there. The peculiarity of the printed edition ("Catalanism" in spelling, Isabella neglect) suggests that this entire editing, printing and dissemination process was handled from scratch by Aragon officials - like Santangel and Sanchez - rather than Castilians.

Small Spanish editions (and their subsequent disappearances) will be consistent with this thesis. In order to influence public opinion in Europe, and in particular the Church and the Pope, the Spanish version is not nearly as Latin, so there is no intention of continuing to print the Spanish edition once the Latin is available. Indeed, there is no point in reprinting the Latin edition either, after the Treaty of Tordesillas was signed in June 1494. Thus, the Columbus letter serves as an early example of the use of a new printing press by the State for propaganda purposes.

Resolving claim

Christopher Columbus might be right to send the letter from Lisbon, not long afterwards, King John II of Portugal actually began to equip the fleet to seize the islands found for the Kingdom of Portugal. The Portuguese king suspects (indeed, it turns out) that the islands discovered by Columbus are below the latitudes of the Canary Islands (approx. 27 Â ° 50 '), the limits laid down by the Treaty 1479 of AlcÃÆ'¡ÃÆ'§ovas as Portuguese exclusivity territories (confirmed by the papal papal Aeterni regis in 1481).

Urgent reports of Portuguese preparations were sent to the Spanish courts by the Duke of Medina-Sidonia. Ferdinand II sent his own envoy, Lope de Herrera, to Lisbon to ask the Portuguese to immediately suspend the expedition to the West Indies until the determination of the location of the islands was completed (and if the polite words failed, threatened). Even before Herrera arrived, John II sent his own messenger, Ruy de Sande, to the Spanish palace, reminding the Spanish kings that their sailors were not allowed to sail below the latin of the Canaries, and suggested that all western expeditions be suspended. Columbus, of course, was preparing for his second trip.

Pope Alexander VI (a national Aragon and friend of Ferdinand II) was taken into the field to settle the rights to the islands and determine the limits of competing claims. His first bull on the subject, Inter caetera , dated 3rd May 1493, was undecided. The Pope commissioned the Crown of Castile "all the lands that were found by their messengers" (ie Columbus), as long as they were not occupied by the Christian owner (the Columbus letter of confirmation). On the other hand, the Pope also keeps the Portuguese claim by confirming earlier agreements and bulls ("no right granted to any Christian prince is hereby understood as withdrawn or withdrawn"). Thus, in his first shot, the pope effectively left the issue unresolved until the actual geographic location of the island was determined. (Note: although most of the negotiations were orchestrated by Ferdinand II of Aragon, who had a personal interest in the second voyage, the actual official claim of the title on the islands belonging to his wife, Queen Isabella I of Castile.the rights, covenants and bulls are only concerned with Crown of crowns and subjects of Castile, and not for the Crown of Aragon or Aragonese subjects)

It seems to soon realize that the islands may be below the boundary of the latitudes, as only a few moments later, Pope Alexander VI issued the second bull of Eximiae devotionis (officially dated May 3, but written c) July 1493) , who tried to correct this problem by secretly suggesting a Portuguese treaty applied to "Africa", and strikingly ignoring the mention of the Indies. In his third attempt, the other bull is also called Inter caetara , written in the summer and retreated to May 4, 1493. The pope once again confirms the Spanish claim in the Indies more explicitly with the longitude of the demarcation that gives all the land 100 leagues west of Cape Verde (not just those found by "messengers") as exclusive powers of the Crown of Castile (without explicit security for previous Portuguese agreements or grants). (There is some confusion as to whether Eximiae devotionis precedes or follows the second Inter caetera , it is usually assumed that the first Inter cetera ("May 3") is compiled in April and received in Spain on May 17, the second Inter caetera ("May 4") was compiled in June, and received in Spain on July 19 (copies forwarded to Columbus in early August); while Eximiae diviones ("May 3") is usually assumed to be written around July.In official time, Eximiae precedes the second Inter cairo i> but in real time might actually follow it.)

It is uncertain exactly how the print edition of Columbus's letter affected this process. The letter reported the islands located at 26 ° N which fell just below the Canary line, so the letter worked virtually in favor of Portugal, and forced the pope into geographical geography confirming Spanish ownership without violating previous agreements. However, the rising strength of the bulls during the summer, when the circulation of the letter at its peak, shows the case of Spain in the end helping rather than being hurt by the letter. Minutiae over degrees of latitude paled in unimportant with the excitement of new discoveries revealed in the letters. While the Portuguese tried to paint Columbus only as a Spanish smuggler, little more than a smuggler, who illegally tried to trade their water, the letters showed him as a great inventor of new land and new nation. The prospect of newly converted souls, emphasized in letters, and a Spanish crown that is eager to do so, must have shaken more than a few opinions.

Frustrated by the pope, John II decided to deal with Spain directly. Portuguese envoys Pero Diaz and Ruy de Pina arrived in Barcelona in August, and requested that all expeditions be suspended until the archipelago's geographic location was determined. Eager for fait acompli, Ferdinand II played for the time, hoping he could take Columbus out on his second voyage to the Indies before the suspension was approved. When the king wrote of Columbus (5 September 1493), the Portuguese envoy did not know where the islands were actually located ("no informant vienen de lo que es nuestro").

On September 24, 1493, Christopher Columbus set off on the second voyage to the West Indies, with a huge new fleet. The Pope replied with another bull on the subject, Dudum siquidum, written in December but officially dated September 26, 1493, where he went further than before, and gave Spain claims over any and all land found. by his messengers sailing west, whatever hemisphere is going on. Dudum Siquidum has been issued with a second voyage in mind - Columbus should have actually reached China or India or even Africa on this trip, the land it finds will be under the exclusive sphere of Spain.

The subsequent negotiations between the Portuguese and Spanish crowns continued in Columbus's absence. They culminated in the famous Tordesillas Agreement that partitioned the world between the Spanish and Portuguese exclusivity environments in the 370 league longitude west of Cape Verde (about 46 ° 30 'W). On the day the agreement was signed, June 7, 1494, Columbus sailed along the southern coast of Cuba, inoculantly inoccinating on the long beach. On June 12, Columbus famously gathered his crew on the island of Evangelista (now called Isla de la Juventud), and told them all to swear, before the notary, that Cuba is not an island but mainland Asia and China can be reached from there.

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Mail edition

There are two known editions of the Letter (Spanish) to Santangel, and at least six editions of Letter (Latin) to Gabriel Sanchez published in the first year (1493), plus an additional rendering of narrative into Italian poetry by Giuliano Dati (which passes through five editions). Aside from the Italian verse, the first foreign language translation was to Germany in 1497. Altogether, seventeen editions of the letter were published between 1493 and 1497. A copy of the manuscript letters to the Catholic kings, discovered in 1985, remained unfiltered until just now.

Mail to Luis de Santangel (Spain)

Written and printed in Spanish, it is usually assumed to be from a copy of a letter sent by Columbus to Luis de SantÃÆ'¡ngel, which is Escribano de Racion of the Crown of Aragon, although no address is named (the letter is intended only for "SeÃÆ' Â ± or").

• 1. Barcelona Edition , without title, in folio, without date and printer not named. The existence of certain Catalan spellings influenced it from the outset allegedly will be published in Barcelona. Some early historians assumed that the printer was Johan Rosenbach, but he was recently identified as Pere Posa of Barcelona on the basis of typographical similarity. The date of edition is expected to end in March or early April, 1493. Only one copy of this edition has ever been found. Discovered in 1889, in the catalog of antique dealers J. Maisonneuve in Paris, and sold for an exorbitant 65,000 francs to British collector Bernard Quaritch. After publishing the fax and translation editions in 1893, Quaritch sold an original copy to the Lenox library, now part of the New York Public Library, where it remains.
• 2. Ambrosian Edition , in the quarto, date, name and location of the printer is not specified. It is sometimes assumed that it was printed after 1493 in Naples or somewhere in Italy, due to frequent interpolation of letters i and j (common in Italy but not in Spanish); but others insist it was printed in Spain; a more recent analysis has suggested it was printed in Valladolid around 1497 by Pedro Giraldi and Miguel de Planes (the first Italian, the second Catalan, which can explain interpolation). Only one copy is known, discovered in 1856 at Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan. The Ambrosian letter originally belonged to Baron Pietro Custodi until it was stored, along with the rest of his paper, at Biblioteca Ambrosiana in 1852 after his death. After his discovery, a transcription was published in 1863, and facsimile in 1866.

None of these editions were mentioned by the authors before the 19th century, and no other copies were found, indicating that they were very small prints, and that Columbus's publication may have been suppressed in Spain by imperial order.

The existence of the Latin letter to Gabriel Sanchez was known long before the Spanish letter to Santangel. The Latin edition contains no codicil about the letter sent to "Escribano de Racion", so there is almost no trace of its existence before the first copy (Ambrosian edition) was found in 1856.

However, in retrospect, some guidance is given beforehand. Columbus's son Ferdinand Columbus, in creating his own library account, listed a tractate under the title Lettera Enviada al Escribano de Racion a 1493: en Catalan . This may be a reference to the Barcelona edition of Columbus's letter to Santangel. It is likely that AndrÃÆ'Â Â © s BernÃÆ'¡ldez, pastor of Sevilla, may have owned or seen copies of the Spanish letter for Santangel, and paraphrased it in his own book Historia de los Reyes CatÃÆ'³licos (written at the end of the 15th century).

The Spanish historian MartÃÆ'n FernÃÆ'¡ndez de Navarrete was the first to definitively find a copy of a Spanish letter in the royal archives of Simancas and to identify Luis de Santangel as the recipient. Navarrete published the transcription of a Spanish letter in his famous 1825 ColecciÃÆ'³n ,. However, Navarrete's transcription is not based on the original 15th century edition (which he never claimed to have seen) but in a handwritten copy made in 1818 by TomÃÆ'¡s González, an archivist at Simancas. The copy of Gonzalez has since been lost, and there is now only in Navarrete transcriptions. It is not clear exactly what edition or González script is copied (though some of the errors of the story from the Barcelona edition are repeated).

The Brazilian historian Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen found a copy of another Spanish letter to Santangel among letters from Colegio Mayor de Cuenca in Salamanca. This copy contains a very different ending, " Fecha en la carabela, sobre la Isla de S.a Maria, 18 de Febrero de 93 ." ("written in caravel, on the island of Santa Maria, February 18, 1493"). The date (February 18) and the identification of the Azores island of Santa Maria (rather than the Canaries) are anomalies that are not usually found in other editions of the Letter to Santangel. It also does not have a post-script of Lisbon and notes about it being sent to Escriban de la Racion. Copies of Cuenca also have cover titles " Carta del Almirante ÃÆ'¡D D. Gabriel Sanches ". As a result, Varnhagen initially suspected this was probably a genuine Spanish copy translated by Leander de Cosco into Latin, and found its way to Rome. However, modern historians believe this is actually a copy of the Barcelona or Ambrosian edition, and that the anomaly exists because the copyist seeks to correct mistakes and errors in Spanish letters remembering later editions and publishing the history of the Indies by Peter Martyr, Ferdinand Columbus, etc. The original manuscript of Cuenca used by Varnhagen has been lost.

It is generally accepted that the Barcelona edition is before the Ambrosian. The Barcelona edition is full of minor errors (eg, "veinte" instead of "xxxiii" days) and the Catalan spelling (which will not be used by Columbus), indicates that it was copied carelessly and printed in a hurry. The Ambrosian edition seems to correct most of these errors, though it also makes some new errors in itself. The Navarrete transcription makes some of the same mistakes as the Barcelona edition (eg, veinte not xxxiii), but most of the spelling is in proper Castile, though it is uncertain how many of these are genuine, and how many are massaged by Gonzalez or Navarrete in their transcription. While all Spanish editions are very close to each other, historians believe they not only correct reprints with each other, but they all originate independently (or at least consult with) unknown editions or texts. Because of the signatures of "Almirante" and other clues, it is believed that all Spanish editions may be indirect, ie that they may not be directly copied from the original Columbus manuscript, but are copies of previously unknown copies or editions.

The simplicity and scarcity of the original print edition of Letter to Santangel (just two copies known to exist) has made it attractive to counterfeiters, and there are repeated attempts to sell fake copies of the letter to libraries and collectors. In one famous case, an Italian forger attempted to sell copies to the New York Public Library. When the librarian refuses to buy it, the forger furiously tears the volume in front of them and storms out. Librarians take pieces out of the waste basket and reunite them; is currently held as a curiosity by the New York Public Library.

Letter to Gabriel Sanchez (Latin)

The first print edition of the Latin translation of Columbus's letter may be printed in Rome by the sculptor Stephen Plannck, c. May 1493. Most of the other early Latin editions are reprints of the edition. This title is given as De Insulis Indiae supra Gangem nuper inventis ("From an Indian island outside Ganges, recently discovered"), and contains a prologue that it was sent by Christopher Columbus to â € ~ "Raphael Sanxis" (the next edition fixes it into "Gabriel Sanchez"), the treasurer of the Crown of Aragon, whose open address calls the Catholic king Ferdinand II of Aragon (recent editions also adds to the mention of Isabella I of Castile) and identifies the translator as a notary "Aliander de Cosco "(later edition corrected it to" Leander de Cosco "), noting that he finished translating it on April 29, 1493 (" the third calendar of May. ") In full, the opening of the first Roman edition reads:

Epistola Christofori Colom: cui (a) etus nostra multum debet: de Insulis Indi (a) e supra Gangem nuper inventis, ad quas perquirendas, octavo antea mense, auspicijs et (a) ere invictissimi Fernandi Hispaniarum Regis Miss fuerat: ad Magnificum d (omi) n (u) m Raphaelem Sanxis: eiusdem serenissi Regis Thesaurarium missa: quam nobilis ac litteratus vir Aliander de Cosco ab Hispano ideomate in latinum convertit: tertio kal (enda) s Maii, M. cccc.xciii, Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti, Anno primo.

("Letter Christopher Columbus, to whom we owe a lot of debt, about islands in India beyond the recently discovered Ganges River, and to explore what he had sent eight months earlier under the auspices and at the expense of the most unbeatable Ferdinand, the King of Spain, to the magnificent ruler Raphael Sanxis, Treasurer for the Coolest King, whose glorious notary and learned scholar Aliander de Cosco changed from Spanish to Latin, the third calendar of May, 1493, during the first year of the papacy Alexander VI. ")

Corrections (Ferdinand & Isabella, Gabriel Sanchez, Leander de Cosco) were defeated in the Second and Third Roman editions of k

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