Patrick John Hillery (Ireland: PÃÆ'ádraig J. ÃÆ' â ⬠Å"hIrghile ; May 2, 1923 - April 12, 2008) was an Irish politician Fianna FÃÆ'áil who served as the 6th Irish President from December 1976 to December 1990. He also served as Vice-President of the European Commission and European Commissioner for Social Affairs from 1973 to 1976, Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1969 to 1973 , Minister of Manpower from 1966 to 1969, Minister of Industry and Trade from 1965 to 1969 and Minister of Education from 1959 to 1965. He served as Teachta DÃÆ'ála (TD) for the Clare constituency from 1951 to 1973.
In 1973, he was appointed as Ireland's first Irish Commissioner, after Ireland's accession to the European Economic Community, serving until 1976, when he became President of Ireland. He served two terms in the presidency. He is seen as a rather sluggish President, he is credited with bringing stability and dignity to the office, and he won wide admiration when it emerged that he had endured the political pressure of his Fianna FÃÆ'áil party himself during the political crisis in 1982.
Video Patrick Hillery
Initial and personal life
Patrick John Hillery, better known as Paddy Hillery, was born in Spanish Point, County Clare in 1923. The son of Michael Joseph Hillery, a local doctor, and Ellen McMahon, a district nurse, he was trained locally at Milltown Malbay School, before then attended Rockwell College. On the third level, Hillery attended University College Dublin, where she qualified with a degree in medicine. After resigning in 1947, he returned to his hometown where he followed in the footsteps of his father as a doctor. Hillery's medical career in the 1950s, saw him serving as a member of the National Health Council and as Medical Officer for Milltown Dispensary Malbay District. He also spent a year working as a coroner for West Clare.
Hillery married Maeve Finnegan, on October 27, 1955. Together they had a son, John, and a daughter, Vivienne, who died after a long illness in 1987, shortly before her eighteenth birthday.
Maps Patrick Hillery
Domestic political career
Hillery, though not himself politically, agreed under pressure from senior Clare Fianna FÃÆ'áil TD, party leader and former Taoiseach, ÃÆ' â ⬠° amon de Valera, to become his partner in the 1951 general election. Hillery took sufficient transfer from de Valera to choose from. As Fianna FÃÆ'áil returns to power. He remained in the backbenches for almost a decade, before finally becoming Minister, after de Valera retired as Taoiseach in 1959.
The new Taoiseach, SeÃÆ'án Lemass, began the pension process of the Ministers de Valera, many of whom have served in every Fianna FÃÆ'áil cabinet since 1932. Under Lemass, party elders such as James Ryan, SeÃÆ'án MacEntee and Paddy Smith, retired and a new generation of politicians was introduced to the government, such as Brian Lenihan, Donogh O'Malley, Charles Haughey, and Neil Blaney. The key among the new generation of politicians is Hillery, who became Minister of Education in 1959, replacing Jack Lynch at the post.
Minister of government 1959-1973
As Minister of Education, Hillery is responsible for much of the innovative thinking in the department that will become very important under the leadership of Lemass. In 1963, he made a major policy speech in which he outlined many educational reforms that would be introduced over the next decade. This includes increasing educational opportunities for many people, the establishment of a comprehensive school and a Regional Technical School. He also proposes access by students to all public exams. As Minister of Education, Hillery laid the foundations for successive Ministers to advance reforms and initiatives that have begun. While Donogh O'Malley, has received much praise for introducing free education, in fact Hillery laid many groundwork before this important announcement.
In 1965, Hillery replaced Lynch again by taking over as Minister of Industry and Commerce. The department is considered one of the most important in the Irish economy that started from scratch. Hillery remained in this position for more than a year, becoming the country's first Labor Minister in 1966, as industrial disputes began to take their toll. This new department has been Lemass's dream for several years and Hillery has the honor of being the first petahana. Lemass resigned as Taoiseach and Leader Fianna FÃÆ'áil in November 1966, which surprised many of his political friends. Hillery was invited by Lemass to allow his name to advance for party leadership, however, he refused to explain that he was not interested. Many historians have stated that Hillery is Lemass's first choice to replace him, but others say that the order of the Lemass fault is as follows: Jack Lynch, Hillery and George Colley. Although Hillery is not interested in top jobs in government and, in the end, Lynch replaces Lemass after a leadership contest with Colley. Hillery retained her post as Minister of Labor, following a reshuffle of Lynch's cabinet, which lasted until 1969.
After another victory for Fianna FÃÆ'áil in the 1969 election, Hillery became Minister for Foreign Affairs (renamed Foreign Affairs in 1972), one of the most prestigious cabinet posts. He gained a high international profile when, after the killing of fourteen unarmed civilians in Derry, by British paratroopers known as "Bloody Sunday", he traveled to the United Nations in New York to demand the UN's involvement in peace - walking on the streets of Northern Ireland. The trip to the UN has reached very little, in addition to drawing the world's attention to the deteriorating situation in Northern Ireland. During the entire period Hillery remains one of Jack Lynch's most determined allies in pursuit of peaceful means with the possibility of a civil war breaking out. Although considered a polite politician, Hillery showed his courage at Fianna FÃÆ'áil Ard Fheis in 1971 when Kevin Boland, an opponent of Northern Lynch policy, stormed the nearest podium and launched a very public and vocal attack on Fianna FÃÆ'áil's leadership. While some of his supporters started shouting 'We want Boland', Hillery, who at this stage has grabbed the nearest microphone, begins shouting the Boland faction with a perpetual line 'Ye can have Boland but you can not have Fianna FÃÆ'áil. '
Hillery's tenure at the State Department was not consumed by affairs in Northern Ireland. In 1972, he negotiated an Irish membership of the European Economic Community (EEC), a process completed in 1973.
European Commissioner 1973-1976
After the successful entry of Ireland into the European Economic Community (ECC), Hillery was rewarded by being the first Irishman serving on the European Commission. He was appointed Vice President of the Commission and has special responsibilities for Social Affairs. When European politicians managed to get one of Ireland's most capable and respected, Jack Lynch has lost one of its allies, and someone who might be in line to take over the leadership following the resignation of Lynch. As a policy initiative of the Commissioner of Social Affairs Commissioner Hillery is to force EU member states to pay equal pay to women. However, in 1976, the Irish Government, the National Coalition Gael-Labor Party, under Liam Cosgrave, told him that he was not reappointed to the Commission. He considered going back to medicine, perhaps moving with his wife, Maeve (also a doctor) to Africa. However, fate changed when the Ministry of Defense later, Paddy Donegan, launched a vicious verbal attack against the President, Cearbhall ãÆ' "DÃÆ'álaigh, calling him" thundering disgrace "to refer to the anti-terrorist courts to test its constitutionality. When a president angry ãÆ' â ⬠Å"DÃÆ'álaigh resign, Hillery very reluctantly agreed to become a candidate for the presidency Fianna FÃÆ'áil. Fine Gael and Labor decided it was not wise to nominate a candidate, given the disagreements about the resignation ãÆ' â ⬠Å"DÃÆ'álaigh. As a result, , Hillery was elected without resistance, became President of Ireland on 3 December 1976.
Irish President
fake sex scandal "and the papal visit
Despite being elected as the world's sexiest headmaster by the reader of Der Spiegel's German magazine, few predict Hillery became involved in a sex scandal as President. But the scandal remains one of the greatest whodunnits in modern Irish politics. It happened in September 1979, when the international press corps, traveling to Ireland for the visit of Pope John Paul II, told their Irish colleagues that Europeans were "inundated" with rumors that Hillery had deposits that lived with him in the ÃÆ' race of a UachtarÃÆ'à ¡In (the president's residence), that he and his wife divorced and he resigned as president. However, the story is not true. After the Pope went, Hillery told the shocked nation that there were no deposits, no divorce and no resignation. In fact, some people have even heard the rumor. Critics question why he chose to comment on rumors that some outside media and political circles have heard. Hillery, however, defended her actions by saying that it is important to kill stories for the good of the presidency, rather than let rumors circulate and be accepted as "facts" without rejection. In that case, he was supported by Taoiseach, Jack Lynch, whom he consulted before making a decision, he also received support from Opposition Leader Garret FitzGerald of Fine Gael and Frank Cluskey, of the Labor Party.
Hillery also made headlines when, on the advice of Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, he rejected Queen Elizabeth II's invitation to attend the marriage of Prince Charles and Lady Diana Spencer in 1981.
Phone call to ÃÆ' ras an UachtarÃÆ'áin
However, in 1982, Hillery's reputation as President proved. In January 1982, the government Fine Gael-Laborer Garret FitzGerald lost his budget vote in DÃÆ'áil ÃÆ'â ⬠ireann. Since this is a loss of supply, FitzGerald travels to the ÃÆ' race of a UachtarÃÆ'áin, to request the dissolution of DÃÆ'áil. Under Article 13.2.2, if Hillery rejects FitzGerald's request for dissolution, FitzGerald must resign. If this were to happen, Haughey, the Opposition Leader, would be a favorite to form a new government. For this purpose a series of phone calls (several published reports claiming seven, the other eight) were made by senior opposition figures who urged Hillery to refuse FitzGerald's dissolution, thus allowing Haughey to form a government.
Hillery regards such pressure as a grave offense, and instructs one of her aides, Captain Anthony Barber, not to forward calls from opposition figures. He may also be motivated by the Irish Constitution, which states that the President uses his power as a chomhairle fÃÆ' à © in, which is usually translated as â ⬠Å"under his own counselâ ⬠- meaning that there is no contact whatsoever can happen with the opposition. Whenever there is a conflict between the Irish and English versions, the Irish take precedence. In the end, Hillery granted the dissolution. (There is no Irish president to date who has rejected such a request.)
In 1990, Hillery's term seemed to reach a quiet end, until the 1982 event returned, altering the course of the history of Presidency, Ireland, and Hillery forever. Three candidates have been nominated in the 1990 presidential election: then TÃÆ'ánaiste, Brian Lenihan of Fianna FÃÆ'áil (widely seen as a certain winner), Austin Currie of Fine Gael and Mary Robinson of the Labor Party. In May 1990, in an interview on note with Jim Duffy, a graduate student studying the Irish presidency, Lenihan has confirmed that he was one of those who called Hillery in January 1982. He confirmed that Haughey has also made phone calls. Jim Duffy mentioned the information in a newspaper article about the history of the Irish presidency on September 28, 1990 at The Irish Times . In October 1990, Lenihan changed his story, claiming (though he had said otherwise for eight years) that he had played "no hand, action or part" in pressuring President Hillery that night. He made this rejection in an interview at The Irish Press (pro-Fianna FÃÆ'áil newspaper) and on the political show RTÃÆ' â ⬠° 1, Questions and Answers .
When it was realized that he had said the opposite in an interview in a note in May 1990, his campaign was panicked and tried to suppress Duffy not to disclose the information. Their pressure backfired, especially when his campaign manager Bertie Ahern called Duffy the person he interviewed on the radio broadcast, forcing the beleaguered Duffy to reverse the previous decision and release the relevant segment of his interview with Lenihan. As a result, the minority party in the coalition government, the Progressive Democrats pointed out that unless Lenihan resigned from the cabinet, they would withdraw from the government and support the unbelieving opposition movement, in DÃÆ'áil ÃÆ'â ⬠ireann, topple the government and lead to elections. Public, Haughey insisted that it was entirely a matter for Lenihan, "a friend of thirty years" and that he did not pressure him. In fact, under the pressure of the PD, Haughey gave Lenihan a letter of resignation to sign. When Lenihan refused, Haughey formally advised President Hillery to dismiss Lenihan from the cabinet. As required by Section 13.1.3 of the Constitution, Hillery does so. The Lenihan campaign never recovered, and he became the first candidate of his party to this day to lose the presidential election, having started the campaign as a certain winner. Instead Labor Mary Robinson became the first elected President from outside Fianna FÃÆ'áil, and the first woman to hold the post.
Revelation, and the discovery that Hillery has stood for pressure from his former cabinet counterpart, including his close friend, Brian Lenihan, back in 1982 to increase Hillery stand substantially. From a simple low-level simple presidency that is eliminated as mediocre, its presidency becomes visible as embodying the highest standards of integrity. His reputation increased further when the opposition leader under parliamentary privilege alleges that Haughey, who in January 1982, has been the Leader of the Opposition, has not only called the Presidential Office but was under threat to end the career of army officers. who received the call and who, at Hillery's explicit instructions, had refused to deliver a call to the President. Haughey angrily refutes the allegations, though Lenihan, in his later report on the affair, notes that Haughey has denied "insulting" the officer, while his charge is that he "threatens him". Hillery, it was revealed, had summoned the Army Chief of Staff the following day and as Commander of the Armed Forces had ordered the Chief of Staff to ensure that no politician ever interfered with the career of young army officers. About ten years after the incident, RTÃÆ' â ⬠° attempted to interview the young officer in connection with the allegations but as the officer who served him could not comment.
After being re-elected without resistance in 1983, Hillery (until then) shared the distinction with SeÃÆ'án T. O'Kelly and ÃÆ'â ⬠amon de Valera serving two full terms as the President of Ireland. He is one of three presidential holders who do not face elections for the post, others are Douglas Hyde and Cearbhall ÃÆ' â ⬠Å"DÃÆ'álaigh. Hillary left the office in 1990 (she has served a maximum of two terms), widely appreciated for her integrity, honesty and devotion to her duties. Hillery's earlier image, as low key, boring and unexciting (except for strange sex rumors), is somewhat underestimated. Hillery retired from public life. However he re-entered public life in 2002, during the second referendum of the Nice Covenant, when he urged the voice of yes .
Hillery: foreign judgment
In 2002, the state papers issued by the British Public Records Office under the 'Thirty-Year Rule' published in Irish media, reveals how Hillery is seen. A briefing paper, prepared for the UK Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec Douglas-Home and Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, William Whitelaw, observed Hillery:
- Dr. Hillery is considered the center of ideas, one of several members of Fianna FÃÆ'áil who has a new policy and is eager to apply it.
- The greatest example is in his current work at that time, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, where he was forced to concentrate on Anglo-Irish relations and, especially the North > ie, Northern Ireland ). Policies in this field are determined primarily between him and Taoiseach; and it is likely that Fianna FÃÆ'áil new line owes much to Dr. Hillery...
- Dr. Hillery has a fun way. He can appear timid and relaxed but has an undoubted intellectual capacity and a strong will; since the 1970s government crisis, he has performed much more convincingly - even brashly - and has handled DÃÆ'áil with confidence.
Death
Patrick Hillery died on April 12, 2008, at his Dublin home after suffering a short illness. His family agreed to a full state funeral for the former President. She is buried in St. Joseph's Cemetery Fintan, Sutton, near Dublin. In the tribute, President Mary McAleese said: "He is involved in every aspect of policy-making that paves the way for a modern new Ireland." Today, we detect the foresight and pioneering agendas everywhere - free, dynamic, well-educated, a successful and growing EU membership, one of the most transformative events for this country. "Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern said he" is a man of great integrity, decency, and intelligence, who contributes greatly to the progress of our country and he is confident of a place of honor in Irish history ". In DÃÆ'áil and Seanad, he was praised by all political leaders and parties during his sympathy expression on April 15, 2008. In grave oration, TÃÆ'ánaiste, Brian Cowen says Hillery is "A simple man who has modest tastes, he has variously described as honorable, polite, intelligent, polite, warm, and attractive, he is all that and more. "
References
Further reading
- Collins, Stephen (2000) - The Power Game: Ireland Under Fianna FÃÆ'áil (Dublin: O'Brien Press)
- Walsh, John (2008) - "Patrick Hillery: The Official Biography" (Dublin: New Island) ISBN 978-1-84840-009-2.
External links
- Biography on the site ÃÆ' ras an UachtarÃÆ'áin
- Patrick Hillery's Profile
Source of the article : Wikipedia